The Last Plague: Spanish Influenza and the
Politics of Health and War by Mark Osborne Humphries
University of Toronto Press, Fall 2012
Trade Paperback, 380 pages
ISBN-13: 9781442610446
Description:
University of Toronto Press, Fall 2012
Trade Paperback, 380 pages
ISBN-13: 9781442610446
Description:
The ‘Spanish’ influenza of 1918 was the deadliest pandemic in history, killing as many as 50 million people worldwide. Canadian federal public health officials tried to prevent the disease from entering the country by implementing a maritime quarantine, as had been their standard practice since the cholera epidemics of 1832. But the 1918 flu was a different type of disease. In spite of the best efforts of both federal and local officials, up to fifty thousand Canadians died.
In The Last Plague, Mark Osborne Humphries examines how federal epidemic disease management strategies developed before the First World War, arguing that the deadliest epidemic in Canadian history ultimately challenged traditional ideas about disease and public health governance. Using federal, provincial, and municipal archival sources, newspapers, and newly discovered military records – as well as original epidemiological studies – Humphries' sweeping national study situates the flu within a larger social, political, and military context for the first time. His provocative conclusion is that the 1918 flu crisis had important long-term consequences at the national level, ushering in the ‘modern’ era of public health in Canada.
My Thoughts:
The Last Plague: Spanish Influenza and
the Politics of Health and War by Mark Osborne Humphries documents the
history of how Canadian federal health officials tried to control
epidemics. Starting with the early
history, especially how officials handled the cholera epidemics, Humphries
carefully documents the official response and reactions to the epidemics. While
the method of containing cholera was based on isolation and decontaminating immigrants, this proved ineffectual in
handling the flu pandemic of 1918. It also clearly indicated a need for
standardized policies in place and lead to the creation of a federal Public
Health Department in Canada. This also signified the beginning of modern health
care in Canada. It's really only a matter
of time until another flu pandemic hits and better preparation can, perhaps,
save more lives.
Long time readers of She Treads Softly know that I
have a particular fondness for books on plagues and peoples. Humphries'
excellent, scholarly volume is a great edition to my collection. He actually had
some information that I have never read before. I do have one wee complaint.
The tables and charts didn't translate so well in my Kindle edition. Plus I find
it awkward to look up notes and sources on a Kindle. What this means is that I
will be purchasing a paper edition of this book for my collection.
I need to be able to easily turn to the notes, etc., while I read.
The Table of Contents include:
I. Introduction
II. Establishing the Grand Watch: Epidemics and
Public Health, 1832-1883
III. 'Everybody's Business is Nobody's Business': Sanitary Science, Social Reform, and Mentalities of Public Health, 1867-1914
IV. A Pandemic Prelude: The 1889-90 Influenza Pandemic in Canada
III. 'Everybody's Business is Nobody's Business': Sanitary Science, Social Reform, and Mentalities of Public Health, 1867-1914
IV. A Pandemic Prelude: The 1889-90 Influenza Pandemic in Canada
V. Happily Rare of Complications: The Flu's First
Wave in Canada and the Official Response
VI. A Dark and Invisible Fog Descends: The Second
Wave of Flu and the Federal Response
VII. 'A Terrible Fall for Preventative Medicine':
Provincial and Municipal Responses to the Second Wave of Flu
VIII. The Trail of Infected Armies: War, the Flu,
and the Popular Response
IX. 'The Nation's Duty': Creating a Federal
Department of Health
X. 'Success is
somewhere Around the Corner': The Changing Federal Role in Public Health
XI. Conclusion
XII. Bibliography of Sources
Consulted
Yes, there are extensive notes, a bibliography,
index, illustrations, figures and tables, acknowledgements - all things that
make me happy in a nonfiction book.
Mark Osborne Humphries is an assistant professor in
the Department of History at Memorial University of
Newfoundland.
Very Highly Recommended -
especially if you also have a consuming interest in books on plagues and
pandemics and how they were handled.
Disclosure: My Kindle edition was courtesy of Netgalley for review
purposes.
A key question that surprisingly remains unanswered is this: Did influenza change how average Canadians responded to epidemic disease? Location 165-166
In my investigation of this important question I have traced the
development of official and popular responses to the problem of disease
management from the first epidemic of cholera in 1832 to the influenza pandemic
of 1918. I have also drawn upon the methods and literature of medical, social,
military, and political history. My answer will be that the 1918 flu was a
transformative event that had far-reaching consequences for both society and
public health policy Canada, marking a significant shift in the dominant
ideologies and strategies of public health governance.32 Location 171-175
As trade networks grew, new diseases that were common (or endemic) to
non-European places were transported across oceans and continents. Finding
previously unexposed populations, these became the great epidemic diseases of
the nineteenth century. The most feared of these plagues was cholera, a disease
that would shape public health in Canada for nearly a century. Location
270-273
British medicine was thus divided between those who saw the threat as
external and those who saw it as internal. According to R.J. Morris, in
formulating strategies to combat the disease, the state had two options:
‘contagion meant quarantine with loss of trade and disruption of family life –
miasma meant cleansing and poor relief on a massive scale, expensive for rates
and charitable subscriptions.’ The British government chose a middle course and
embraced both strategies.25 Location 289-293
According to Barbara Rosenkrantz, Americans like Canadians have ‘tended to
respond to disease and disorder as though they were corruptions imported to [an]
uncontaminated continent from foreign sources.’43 Foreigners from Europe –
especially the Irish – became victims of angry mobs. There were murders in
Chester, Pennsylvania, as armed crowds fired on ships as well as on those who
were trying to flee New York City.44 Location 333-336
Canadian disease management policies were as much about protecting the
social body from unwanted groups as they were intended to protect Canadians from
real diseases. This is why the long American border was not seen as a serious
source of contagion in comparison to the main Canadian immigration ports.
Americans were regarded as ‘racial’ cousins – wayward as they may have been
politically and ideologically, they were nonetheless British or northern
European in ‘racial’ ancestry. Location 582-585
The Canadian quarantine system thus provided the main defence against the ‘evils’ of immigration, with disease acting as both a symptom of a larger socio-economic problem as well a convenient excuse to deny undesirables entry to the country.131 As a public health governance strategy, quarantine arose from an ideology that accepted this link as fact. In part, this was based on observation and tradition. Location 593-596
The association between immigration and disease was strengthened by fears
that a rapid influx of immigrants was weakening an inherently healthy Canadian
nation. Location 915-916
Since the late nineteenth century there have been five influenza pandemics: 1889–90, 1918, 1957, 1968, and 2009.16 Each pandemic has resulted in a higher mortality rate from flu than would normally be expected.17 Location 1153-1155
In 1918, a particularly virulent H1N1 strain of influenza emerged, causing
the most devastating influenza pandemic in history.4 According to Alfred Crosby,
the 1918 pandemic crossed the globe in three distinct waves. It began in the
spring of 1918 before dissipating in the summer. A second wave in the fall was
followed by a third in the winter of 1918–19; in some places this final wave
lasted until 1920.5 Crosby holds that the first wave caused few deaths and would
likely have gone unnoticed but for the second and deadly wave in autumn. While
the name ‘Spanish flu’ suggests that the 1918 virus first appeared on the
Iberian Peninsula, researchers agree that this was not the case. Because Spain
was not a combatant during the Great War, the uncensored Spanish newspapers were
the first to publish accounts of the disease in May 1918; the international
press subsequently began to refer to it as ‘influenza of the Spanish type,’ or
Spanish flu.6 Location 1264-1271
Canadian historians have long argued for a European origin, claiming that the Spanish flu arrived in Canada with soldiers returning from the Great War during the summer of 1918.28 According to Janice Dickin McGinnis, the Spanish flu first appeared in Canada in July 1918 on-board two troopships, the Araguyan and the Somali, both of which she assumed carried soldiers returning from the Great War. Eileen Pettigrew’s The Silent Enemy reiterates Dickin McGinnis’s assertion, suggesting that the first case of flu appeared in Canada as early as 26 June 1918.29 But new research into the epidemiology of the pandemic suggests that the first wave occurred in Canada much earlier, in the winter and spring of 1918. Location 1332-1337
The earliest account of influenza within Canada’s civilian population comes
from southeastern Quebec, where the epidemic began on 15 September in a
Victoriaville college.64 This time the source of the infection was not American
soldiers, but American Catholics attending a regional Eucharistic Congress.65
Location 1755-1757
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